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Lies vs. Facts
Of course the people don't want war. But after all, it's the leaders of the country who determine the
policy, and it's always a simple matter to drag the people along whether it's a democracy, a fascist dictatorship, or a parliament,
or a communist dictatorship. Voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy.
All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism, and exposing the
country to greater danger.
- Herman Goering (Hitler's chief deputy) at the Nuremberg trials
"Statesmen will invent cheap lies, putting blame upon the nation that is attacked,
and every man will be glad of those conscience-soothing falsities, and will diligently study them, and refuse to examine any
refutations of them; and thus he will by and by convince himself that the war is just, and will thank God for the better sleep
he enjoys after this process of grotesque self-deception."
- Mark Twain - Source: Chronicle of Young Satan
The Lie Factory
This special Mother Jones investigation late last year detailed how, only weeks after 9/11, the Bush administration
set up a secret Pentagon unit to create the case for invading Iraq. Here is the inside story of how they pushed disinformation
and bogus intelligence and led the nation to war.
By Robert Dreyfuss and Jason Vest
Mother Jones January/February 2004 Issue
It's a crisp fall day in western Virginia, a hundred miles from Washington, D.C., and a breeze is rustling the red
and gold leaves of the Shenandoah hills. On the weather-beaten wood porch of a ramshackle 90-year-old farmhouse, at the end
of a winding dirt-and-gravel road, Lt. Colonel Karen Kwiatkowski is perched on a plastic chair, wearing shorts, a purple sweatshirt,
and muddy sneakers. Two scrawny dogs and a lone cat are on the prowl, and the air is filled with swarms of ladybugs.
So far, she says, no investigators have come knocking. Not from the Central Intelligence Agency, which conducted an internal
inquiry into intelligence on Iraq, not from the congressional intelligence committees, not from the president's Foreign Intelligence
Advisory Board. All of those bodies are ostensibly looking into the Bush administration's prewar Iraq intelligence, amid charges
that the White House and the Pentagon exaggerated, distorted, or just plain lied about Iraq's links to Al Qaeda terrorists
and its possession of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons. In her hands, Kwiatkowski holds several pieces of the puzzle.
Yet she, along with a score of other career officers recently retired or shuffled off to other jobs, has not been approached
Kwiatkowski, 43, a now-retired Air Force officer who served in the Pentagon's Near East and South Asia (NESA) unit in the
year before the invasion of Iraq, observed how the Pentagon's Iraq war-planning unit manufactured scare stories about Iraq's
weapons and ties to terrorists. "It wasn't intelligence‚ -- it was propaganda," she says. "They'd take a little bit
of intelligence, cherry-pick it, make it sound much more exciting, usually by taking it out of context, often by juxtaposition
of two pieces of information that don't belong together." It was by turning such bogus intelligence into talking points for
U.S. officials‚ -- including ominous lines in speeches by President Bush and Vice President Cheney, along with Secretary
of State Colin Powell's testimony at the U.N. Security Council last February‚ -- that the administration pushed American
public opinion into supporting an unnecessary war.
Until now, the story of how the Bush administration produced its wildly exaggerated estimates of the threat posed by Iraq
has never been revealed in full. But, for the first time, a detailed investigation by Mother Jones, based on dozens of interviews‚
-- some on the record, some with officials who insisted on anonymity‚ -- exposes the workings of a secret Pentagon intelligence
unit and of the Defense Department's war-planning task force, the Office of Special Plans. It's the story of a close-knit
team of ideologues who spent a decade or more hammering out plans for an attack on Iraq and who used the events of September
11, 2001, to set it into motion.
Six months after the end of major combat in Iraq, the United States had spent $300 million trying to find banned
weapons in Iraq, and President Bush was seeking $600 million more to extend the search. Not found were Iraq's Scuds and other
long-range missiles, thousands of barrels and tons of anthrax and botulism stock, sarin and VX nerve agents, mustard gas,
biological and chemical munitions, mobile labs for producing biological weapons, and any and all evidence of a reconstituted
nuclear-arms program, all of which had been repeatedly cited as justification for the war. Also missing was evidence of Iraqi
collaboration with Al Qaeda.
The reports, virtually all false, of Iraqi weapons and terrorism ties emanated from an apparatus that began to gestate
almost as soon as the Bush administration took power. In the very first meeting of the Bush national-security team, one day
after President Bush took the oath of office in January 2001, the issue of invading Iraq was raised, according to one of the
participants in the meeting‚ -- and officials all the way down the line started to get the message, long before 9/11.
Indeed, the Bush team at the Pentagon hadn't even been formally installed before Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of Defense,
and Douglas J. Feith, undersecretary of Defense for policy, began putting together what would become the vanguard for regime
change in Iraq.
Both Wolfowitz and Feith have deep roots in the neoconservative movement. One of the most influential Washington neo- conservatives
in the foreign-policy establishment during the Republicans' wilderness years of the 1990s, Wolfowitz has long held that not
taking Baghdad in 1991 was a grievous mistake. He and others now prominent in the administration said so repeatedly over the
past decade in a slew of letters and policy papers from neoconservative groups like the Project for the New American Century
and the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq. Feith, a former aide to Richard Perle at the Pentagon in the 1980s and an activist
in far-right Zionist circles, held the view that there was no difference between U.S. and Israeli security policy and that
the best way to secure both countries' future was to solve the Israeli-Palestinian problem not by serving as a broker, but
with the United States as a force for "regime change" in the region.
Called in to help organize the Iraq war-planning team was a longtime Pentagon official, Harold Rhode, a specialist on Islam
who speaks Hebrew, Arabic, Turkish, and Farsi. Though Feith would not be officially confirmed until July 2001, career military
and civilian officials in NESA began to watch his office with concern after Rhode set up shop in Feith's office in early January.
Rhode, seen by many veteran staffers as an ideological gadfly, was officially assigned to the Pentagon's Office of Net Assessment,
an in-house Pentagon think tank headed by fellow neocon Andrew Marshall. Rhode helped Feith lay down the law about the department's
new anti-Iraq, and broadly anti-Arab, orientation. In one telling incident, Rhode accosted and harangued a visiting senior
Arab diplomat, telling him that there would be no "bartering in the bazaar anymore. You're going to have to sit up and pay
attention when we say so."
Rhode refused to be interviewed for this story, saying cryptically, "Those who speak, pay."
According to insiders, Rhode worked with Feith to purge career Defense officials who weren't sufficiently enthusiastic
about the muscular anti-Iraq crusade that Wolfowitz and Feith wanted. Rhode appeared to be "pulling people out of nooks and
crannies of the Defense Intelligence Agency and other places to replace us with," says a former analyst. "They wanted nothing
to do with the professional staff. And they wanted us the fuck out of there."
The unofficial, off-site recruitment office for Feith and Rhode was the American Enterprise Institute, a right-wing think
tank whose 12th-floor conference room in Washington is named for the dean of neoconservative defense strategists, the late
Albert Wohlstetter, an influential RAND analyst and University of Chicago mathematician. Headquartered at AEI is Richard Perle,
Wohlstetter's prize protege, the godfather of the AEI-Defense Department nexus of neoconservatives who was chairman of the
Pentagon's influential Defense Policy Board. Rhode, along with Michael Rubin, a former AEI staffer who is also now at the
Pentagon, was a ubiquitous presence at AEI conferences on Iraq over the past two years, and the two Pentagon officials seemed
almost to be serving as stage managers for the AEI events, often sitting in the front row and speaking in stage whispers to
panelists and AEI officials. Just after September 11, 2001, Feith and Rhode recruited David Wurmser, the director of Middle
East studies for AEI, to serve as a Pentagon consultant.
Wurmser would be the founding participant of the unnamed, secret intelligence unit at the Pentagon, set up in Feith's office,
which would be the nucleus of the Defense Department's Iraq disinformation campaign that was established within weeks of the
attacks in New York and Washington. While the CIA and other intelligence agencies concentrated on Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda
as the culprit in the 9/11 attacks, Wolfowitz and Feith obsessively focused on Iraq. It was a theory that was discredited,
even ridiculed, among intelligence professionals. Daniel Benjamin, co-author of The Age of Sacred Terror, was director of
counterterrorism at the National Security Council in the late 1990s. "In 1998, we went through every piece of intelligence
we could find to see if there was a link between Al Qaeda and Iraq," he says. "We came to the conclusion that our intelligence
agencies had it right: There was no noteworthy relationship between Al Qaeda and Iraq. I know that for a fact." Indeed, that
was the consensus among virtually all anti-terrorism specialists.
In short, Wurmser, backed by Feith and Rhode, set out to prove what didn't exist.
In an Administration devoted to the notion of "Feith-based intelligence," Wurmser was ideal. For years, he'd been
a shrill ideologue, part of the minority crusade during the 1990s that was beating the drums for war against Iraq. Along with
Perle and Feith, in 1996 Wurmser and his wife, Meyrav, wrote a provocative strategy paper for Israeli prime minister Benjamin
Netanyahu called "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm." It called on Israel to work with Jordan and Turkey
to "contain, destabilize and roll back" various states in the region, overthrow Saddam Hussein in Iraq, press Jordan to restore
a scion of the Hashemite dynasty to the Iraqi throne, and, above all, launch military assaults against Lebanon and Syria as
a "prelude to a redrawing of the map of the Middle East which would threaten Syria's territorial integrity."
In 1997, Wurmser wrote a column in the Wall Street Journal called "Iraq Needs a Revolution" and the next year co-signed
a letter with Perle calling for all-out U.S. support of the Iraqi National Congress (INC), an exile group led by Ahmad Chalabi,
in promoting an insurgency in Iraq. At AEI, Wurmser wrote Tyranny's Ally: America's Failure to Defeat Saddam Hussein, essentially
a book-length version of "A Clean Break" that proposed an alliance between Jordan and the INC to redraw the map of the Middle
East. Among the mentors cited by Wurmser in the book: Chalabi, Perle, and Feith.
The purpose of the unnamed intelligence unit, often described as a Pentagon "cell," was to scour reports from the CIA,
the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, and other agencies to find nuggets of information linking Iraq,
Al Qaeda, terrorism, and the existence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In a controversial press briefing in October
2002, a year after Wurmser's unit was established, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld acknowledged that a primary purpose
of the unit was to cull factoids, which were then used to disparage, undermine, and contradict the CIA's reporting, which
was far more cautious and nuanced than Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, and Feith wanted. Rumsfeld particularly enjoyed harassing the
CIA staffer who briefed him every morning, using the type of data produced by the intelligence unit. "What I could do is say,
'Gee, what about this?'" Rumsfeld noted. "'Or what about that? Has somebody thought of this?'" Last June, when Feith was questioned
on the same topic at a briefing, he acknowledged that the secret unit in fact looked at the connection between Iraq and terrorism,
saying, "You can't rely on deterrence to deal with the problem of weapons of mass destruction in the hands of state sponsors
of terrorism because [of] the possibility that those state sponsors might employ chemical weapons or biological weapons by
means of a terrorist organization proxy.
Though Feith, in that briefing, described Wurmser's unit as an innocent project, "a global exercise" that was not meant
to put pressure on other intelligence agencies or create skewed intelligence to fit preconceived policy notions, many other
sources assert that it did exactly that. That the White House and the Pentagon put enormous pressure on the CIA to go along
with its version of events has been widely reported, highlighted by visits to CIA headquarters by Vice President Cheney and
Lewis Libby, his chief of staff. Led by Perle, the neocons seethed with contempt for the CIA. The CIA's analysis, said Perle,
"isn't worth the paper it's printed on." Standing in a crowded hallway during an AEI event, Perle added, "The CIA is status
quo oriented. They don't want to take risks."
That became the mantra of the shadow agency within an agency.
Putting Wurmser in charge of the unit meant that it was being run by a pro-Iraq-war ideologue who'd spent years calling
for a pre-emptive invasion of Baghdad and who was clearly predisposed to find what he wanted to see. Adding another layer
of dubious quality to the endeavor was the man partnered with Wurmser, F. Michael Maloof. Maloof, a former aide to Perle in
the 1980s Pentagon, was twice stripped of his high-level security clearances‚ -- once in late 2001 and, again, last
spring, for various infractions. Maloof was also reportedly involved in a bizarre scheme to broker contacts between Iraqi
officials and the Pentagon, channeled through Perle, in what one report called a "rogue [intelligence] operation" outside
official CIA and Defense Intelligence Agency channels.
As the momentum for war began to build in early 2002, Wolfowitz and Feith beefed up the intelligence unit and created an
Iraq war-planning unit in the Pentagon's Near East and South Asia Affairs section, run by Deputy Undersecretary of Defense
William Luti, under the rubric "Office of Special Plans," or OSP; the new unit's director was Abram N. Shulsky. By then, Wurmser
had moved on to a post as senior adviser to Undersecretary of State John Bolton, yet another neocon, who was in charge of
the State Department's disarmament, proliferation, and WMD office and was promoting the Iraq war strategy there. Shulsky's
OSP, which incorporated the secret intelligence unit, took control, banishing veteran experts‚ -- including Joseph McMillan,
James Russell, Larry Hanauer, and Marybeth McDevitt‚ -- who, despite years of service to NESA, either were shuffled
off to other positions or retired. For the next year, Luti and Shulsky not only would oversee war plans but would act aggressively
to shape the intelligence product received by the White House.
Both Luti and Shulsky were neoconservatives who were ideological soul mates of Wolfowitz and Feith. But Luti was more than
that. He'd come to the Pentagon directly from the office of Vice President Cheney. That gave Luti, a recently retired, decorated
Navy captain whose career ran from combat aviation to command of a helicopter assault ship, extra clout. Along with his colleague
Colonel William Bruner, Luti had done a stint as an aide to Newt Gingrich in 1996 and, like Perle and Wolfowitz, was an acolyte
of Wohlstetter's. "He makes Ollie North look like a moderate," says a NESA veteran.
Shulsky had been on the Washington scene since the mid-1970s. As a Senate intelligence committee staffer for Senator Daniel
Patrick Moynihan, he began to work with early neoconservatives like Perle, who was then an aide to Senator Henry Jackson.
Later, in the Reagan years, Shulsky followed Perle to the Pentagon as Perle's arms-control adviser. In the '90s, Shulsky co-authored
a book on intelligence called Silent Warfare, with Gary Schmitt. Shulsky had served with Schmitt on Moynihan's staff and they
had remained friends. Asked about the Pentagon's Iraq intelligence "cell," Schmitt‚ -- who is currently the executive
director of the Project for the New American Century‚ -- says that he can't say much about it "because one of my best
friends is running it."
According to Lt. Colonel Kwiatkowski, Luti and Shulsky ran NESA and the Office of Special Plans with brutal efficiency,
purging people they disagreed with and enforcing the party line. "It was organized like a machine," she says. "The people
working on the neocon agenda had a narrow, well-defined political agenda. They had a sense of mission." At NESA, Shulsky,
she says, began "hot-desking," or taking an office wherever he could find one, working with Feith and Luti, before formally
taking the reins of the newly created OSP. Together, she says, Luti and Shulsky turned cherry-picked pieces of uncorroborated,
anti-Iraq intelligence into talking points, on issues like Iraq's WMD and its links to Al Qaeda. Shulsky constantly updated
these papers, drawing on the intelligence unit, and circulated them to Pentagon officials, including Rumsfeld, and to Vice
President Cheney. "Of course, we never thought they'd go directly to the White House," she adds.
Kwiatkowski recalls one meeting in which Luti, pressed to finish a report, told the staff, "I've got to get this over to
'Scooter' right away." She later found out that "Scooter" was none other than Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Vice President Cheney's
chief of staff. According to Kwiatkowski, Cheney had direct ties through Luti into NESA/OSP, a connection that was highly
"Never, ever, ever would a deputy undersecretary of Defense work directly on a project for the vice president," she says.
"It was a little clue that we had an informal network into Vice President Cheney's office."
Although Feith insists that the OSP did not seek to gather its own intelligence, Kwiatkowski and others sharply disagree.
Staff working for Luti and Shulsky in NESA/OSP churned out propaganda-style intelligence, she says. As an example, she cited
the work of a U.S. intelligence officer and Arabic specialist, Navy Lt. Commander Youssef Aboul-Enein, who was a special assistant
to Luti. "His job was to peruse the Arabic-language media to find articles that would incriminate Saddam Hussein about terrorism,
and he translated these." Such raw intelligence is usually subject to a thorough vetting process, tracked, verified, and checked
by intelligence professionals. But not at OSP‚ -- the material that it produced found its way directly into speeches
by Bush, Cheney, and other officials.
According to Melvin Goodman, a former CIA official and an intelligence specialist at the National War College, the OSP
officials routinely pushed lower-ranking staff around on intelligence matters. "People were being pulled aside [and being
told], 'We saw your last piece and it's not what we're looking for,'" he says. "It was pretty blatant." Two State Department
intelligence officials, Greg Thielmann and Christian Westermann, have both charged that pressure was being put on them to
shape intelligence to fit policy, in particular from Bolton's office. "The Al Qaeda connection and nuclear weapons issue were
the only two ways that you could link Iraq to an imminent security threat to the U.S.," Thielmann told the New York Times.
"And the administration was grossly distorting the intelligence on both things."
Besides Cheney, key members of the Pentagon's Defense Policy Board, including Perle and ex-House Speaker Newt Gingrich,
all Iraq hawks, had direct input into NESA/OSP. The offices of NESA were located on the Pentagon's fourth floor, seventh corridor
of D Ring, and the Policy Board's offices were directly below, on the third floor. During the run-up to the Iraq war, Gingrich
often came up for closed-door meetings with Luti, who in 1996 had served as a congressional fellow in Speaker of the House
As OSP got rolling, Luti brought in Colonel Bruner, a former military aide to Gingrich, and, together, Luti and Bruner
opened the door to a vast flow of bogus intelligence fed to the Pentagon by Iraqi defectors associated with Chalabi's Iraqi
National Congress group of exiles. Chalabi founded the Iraqi National Congress in 1992, with the help of a shadowy CIA-connected
public-relations firm called the Rendon Group, one of whose former employees, Francis Brooke, has been a top aide to Chalabi
ever since. A scion of an aristocratic Iraqi family, Chalabi fled Baghdad at the age of 13, in 1958, when the corrupt Iraqi
Hashemite monarchy was overthrown by a coalition of communists and the Iraqi military. In the late 1960s, Chalabi studied
mathematics at the University of Chicago with Wohlstetter, who introduced him to Richard Perle more than a decade later. Long
associated with the heart of the neoconservative movement, Chalabi founded Petra Bank in Jordan, which grew to be Jordan's
third-largest bank by the 1980s. But Chalabi was accused of bank fraud, embezzlement, and currency manipulation, and he barely
escaped before Jordanian authorities could arrest him; in 1992, he was convicted and sentenced in absentia to more than 20
years of hard labor. After founding the INC, Chalabi's bungling, unreliability, and penchant for mismanaging funds caused
the CIA to sour on him, but he never lost the support of Perle, Feith, Gingrich, and their allies; once, soon after 9/11,
Perle invited Chalabi to address the Defense Policy Board.
According to multiple sources, Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress sent a steady stream of misleading and often faked intelligence
reports into U.S. intelligence channels. That information would flow sometimes into NESA/OSP directly, sometimes through Defense
Intelligence Agency debriefings of Iraqi defectors via the Defense Human Intelligence Service, and sometimes through the INC's
own U.S.-funded Intelligence Collection Program, which was overseen by the Pentagon. The INC's intelligence "isn't reliable
at all," according to Vincent Cannistraro, a former CIA chief of counterterrorism. "Much of it is propaganda. Much of it is
telling the Defense Department what they want to hear, using alleged informants and defectors who say what Chalabi wants them
to say, [creating] cooked information that goes right into presidential and vice presidential speeches."
Bruner, the aide to Luti and Gingrich's former staffer, "was Chalabi's handler," says Kwiatkowski. "He would arrange meetings
with Chalabi and Chalabi's folks," she says, adding that the INC leader often brought people into the NESA/OSP offices for
debriefings. Chalabi claims to have introduced only three actual defectors to the Pentagon, a figure Thielmann considers "awfully
low." However, according to an investigation by the Los Angeles Times, the three defectors provided by Chalabi turned up exactly
zero useful intelligence. The first, an Iraqi engineer, claimed to have specific information about biological weapons, but
his information didn't pan out; the second claimed to know about mobile labs, but that information, too, was worthless; and
the third, who claimed to have data about Iraq's nuclear program, proved to be a fraud. Chalabi also claimed to have given
the Pentagon information about Iraqi support for Al Qaeda. "We gave the names of people who were doing the links," he told
an interviewer from PBS's Frontline. Those links, of course, have not been discovered. Thielmann told the same Frontline interviewer
that the Office of Special Plans didn't apply strict intelligence-verification standards to "some of the information coming
out of Chalabi and the INC that OSP and the Pentagon ran with."
In the war's aftermath, the Defense Intelligence Agency‚ -- which is not beholden to the neoconservative civilians
at the Pentagon‚ -- leaked a report it prepared, concluding that few, if any, of the INC's informants provided worthwhile
So far, despite all of the investigations under way, there is little sign that any of them are going to delve into
the operations of the Luti-Shulsky Office of Special Plans and its secret intelligence unit. Because it operates in the Pentagon's
policy shop, it is not officially part of the intelligence community, and so it is seemingly immune to congressional oversight.
With each passing day, it is becoming excruciatingly clearer just how wrong U.S. intelligence was in regard to Iraqi weapons
and support for terrorism. The American teams of inspectors in the Iraq Survey Group, which has employed up to 1,400 people
to scour the country and analyze the findings, have not been able to find a shred of evidence of anything other than dusty
old plans and records of weapons apparently destroyed more than a decade ago. Countless examples of fruitless searches have
been reported in the media. To cite one example: U.S. soldiers followed an intelligence report claiming that a complex built
for Uday Hussein, Saddam's son, hid a weapons warehouse with poison-gas storage tanks. "Well," U.S. Army Major Ronald Hann
Jr. told the Los Angeles Times, "the warehouse was a carport. It still had two cars inside. And the tanks had propane for
Countless other errors and exaggerations have become evident. The thousands of aluminum tubes supposedly imported by Iraq
for uranium enrichment were fairly conclusively found to be designed to build noncontroversial rockets. The long-range unmanned
aerial vehicles, allegedly built to deliver bioweapons, were small, rickety, experimental planes with wood frames. The mobile
bioweapon labs turned out to have had other, civilian purposes. And the granddaddy of all falsehoods, the charge that Iraq
sought uranium in the West African country of Niger, was based on forged documents‚ -- documents that the CIA, the State
Department, and other agencies knew were fake nearly a year before President Bush highlighted the issue in his State of the
Union address in January 2003.
"Either the system broke down," former Ambassador Joseph Wilson, who was sent by the CIA to visit Niger and whose findings
helped show that the documents were forged, told Mother Jones, "or there was selective use of bits of information to justify
a decision to go to war that had already been taken."
Edward Luttwak, a neoconservative scholar and author, says flatly that the Bush administration lied about the intelligence
it had because it was afraid to go to the American people and say that the war was simply about getting rid of Saddam Hussein.
Instead, says Luttwak, the White House was groping for a rationale to satisfy the United Nations' criteria for war. "Cheney
was forced into this fake posture of worrying about weapons of mass destruction," he says. "The ties to Al Qaeda? That's complete
In the Senate, Senator Jay Rockefeller (D-W.Va.) is pressing for the Intelligence Committee to extend its investigation
to look into the specific role of the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans, but there is strong Republican resistance to the
In the House, Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Calif.) has introduced legislation calling for a commission to investigate the intelligence
mess and has collected more than a hundred Democrats‚ -- but no Republicans‚ -- in support of it. "I think they
need to be looked at pretty carefully," Waxman told Mother Jones when asked about the Office of Special Plans. "I'd like to
know whether the political people pushed the intelligence people to slant their conclusions."
Congressman Waxman, meet Lt. Colonel Kwiatkowski.
Robert Dreyfuss is a longtime Washington journalist and a contributing writer for Mother Jones. His last cover story
for the magazine focused on the neoconservative plan ot topple Saddam Hussein and reshape the Middle East ("The Thirty-Year
Itch," March/April 2003).
Jason Vest is a Washington reporter whose work has appeared in the Washington Post,U.S. News & World Report,
the American Prospect, and the Village Voice.
The Intelligence Chain
Shortly after 9/11, the Pentagon established a secret intelligence unit to build the case against Iraq. The unit's members
-- many of whom were recruited from neoconservative think tanks, primarily the American Enterprise Institute and the Project
for the New American Century -- funneled faulty information up the chain of command, often all the way to the White House.
By early 2002, the unit had been incorporated into the Defense Department's Office of Special Plans.
Mother Jones: The Intelligence Chain